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Changing Income Distributions
Jarrod Wilcox, November 11, 2002
Income
distributions have been changing, for good or ill, with important
consequences. What we can do here is summarize the available
facts of change, assess the likelihood of its continuation and
reversal, and speculate on possible investment consequences.
Available Data
One fact readily available is that in the last decade, there has
been increasing publicity given to rising income inequality in the
US. Is there any substance to the argument? The data
that follows are from the non-partisan US Congressional Budget
Office study "Effective Federal Tax Rates, 1979-1997," published
October 2001. The study is based on both Census Survey and IRS
data.

The chart at right indicates that the bottom 60% of households
experienced very modest gains in pre-tax real income over an
eighteen-year period. Pre-tax income for the lowest 20%
actually fell.
On the other hand,
pre-tax real income for the top 1% more than doubled. Lest we think
that good fortune for the top 1% was simply the result of gains from
stocks during a bull market, the chart ends in 1997 well before the speculative peak.
Pre-tax
income tells us quite a bit about the economic forces at work, but
to understand the potential impact on spending and political trends, we need to
take into account the federal
government's effort to redistribute income. The CBO table that
follows takes into account individual and corporate income taxes,
excise taxes, and social welfare taxes. The section on numbers
of households has been omitted.


The chart below plots the after-tax income distribution from
the table by quintiles. The middle three quintiles, 60% of
households, have increased their after-tax income dispersion while
experiencing modest growth. The bottom quintile, while
no worse off in absolute terms after-taking account of full federal
government effects, has not shared in the fruits of economic
improvement. The top quintile of households has clearly pulled
ahead, even on an after-tax basis. This acceleration does not
take into account the changes in federal tax rates enacted in
2001.

The dynamic at the top end of the income distribution is much
stronger. The chart breaks out after-tax income for the top
1%, top 5%, and top 10% of households as compared to the middle
quintile.

The chart shows that the farther up the ladder one goes, the more
dramatic has been the increase in relative income within the US,
even after taking into account the progressive nature of the federal
tax system.
What
about the rest of the world? On the one hand, some argue that
globalization is leaving many poor people behind, and there is
evidence for that in Africa as a whole, and in pockets within many
countries. On the other hand, China, a huge population earning
relatively low wages, is increasing its average income levels very
rapidly. It seems likely that it's people's surging economic
progress is resulting in a net decrease in income inequality for the
world as a whole. And there are similar success stories on a
smaller scale in other late-blooming economies.
In
summary, the evidence for increasing income inequality in the US,
particularly evident in the takeoff of incomes for the top 1% of
households, is unambiguous. It is not clear that this trend
holds universally, so we will limit our further discussion to the
US.
Continuation or Reaction?
The alarmist political view that the middle class is being hollowed
out, leaving only the poor and the rich, is not supported. But
the data do suggest increasing segmentation by income level of US
retail markets, products and services. It helps explain the
increased sales both of Wal-Mart and luxury home builders.
Presumably, much of this is already built into the price of their
common stocks. At the same time, the political process
continues to hold the line on tax rates for the most affluent.
This assertion was not contradicted by this month's mid-term
elections, which saw the Republican party regain control of the US
Senate. It seems likely that there will be an attempt to make
the tax rate reductions enacted in 2001 permanent, reinforced by the
perceived need to fight recession. The question for investors,
looking beyond the reduction in income caused by the recent
recession and decline in the stock market, is whether the income
distribution trends of the last two decades are likely to continue
over a longer span. My belief is that the gap in income will
continue to grow, which will eventually cause enough social disequilibrium
to bring it to
a stop. However, this may not happen for a considerable period, and it
is not clear whether the end will be a gradual adjustment to a new
equilibrium higher disparity, or whether there will have been an
overshoot that causes a substantial reversal.
Technology introduction is often cited as the source of growing
income inequality -- as in references to a greater dispersion of
abilities for intellectual work than for manual labor. (It is
amusing that smart people tend to accept this flattering argument so
readily.) However, I believe the main causes for greater US
income inequality over the historically short period of the last two
decades are those that follow.
Republicans, especially supply-siders from past years, can point to
positive feedback, or a virtuous circle. The Reagan tax cuts
allowed greater savings by high-income families, who save most
anyway, as well as supply-side success in increasing economic
growth. The higher savings were invested productively, and
paid off in later capital gains. At the same time, the
demonstration of economic success allowed a political climate
generally favorable to business interests, feeding back again to
greater relative success by those who control businesses, and
accounting for the large gains of the top 1%.
Democrats, on the other hand, might prefer this explanation.
Consider an increase in economic scope -- with local production and
sale relatively less important. Before television, minor
baseball leagues that brought sports entertainment to many smaller
cities thrived. After television, most of these lesser
leagues, with less talented players and smaller audiences, dried up.
The result was a relatively few baseball players in the biggest
cities getting extraordinary pay. For similar reasons,
McDonald's displaces inexpensive local restaurants and American
movies displace French movies. Even if all for the greater
good, it is painful to some. It gets worse when it comes to
breaking down barriers between populations with very different
living standards. During the transition, even the most
productive economic units can be displaced.
Globalization is here. The less-advanced countries, if they
adopt modern methods, increase relative productivity faster than
wages. This has meant the sacrifice of the most easily
reproduced and tradable elements of the US manufacturing sector,
even where they were highly productive.
For many, better-paying manufacturing jobs have had to be replaced
by lower-paying local service jobs. In contrast, the owners
and higher-level executives and professionals of large, successful
businesses that can exploit international opportunities face
increased income from globalization.
One
could argue that the virtuous circle set going by the Reagan tax cut
may have finally played itself out. One suspects that the recent binge
of investment during peak prosperity and under the influence of a
speculative environment may have been somewhat less focused on
productive uses. But there is no evidence that the rate of
introduction of new technology is slowing down. More
importantly for the intermediate term, the impact of globalization
is likely to continue or even increase. The income disparities
between rich and poor countries that are now subscribing to market
oriented economies are still enormous. The buildup of experience and capacity in China will continue.
Russia is now on an upward path, and India and many
smaller-population developing countries are also making progress.
If you think the latter is a fantasy, consider that, at least
anecdotally, both Russia and India are making inroads in
computer software, courtesy of the Internet. For a long time, their
wages will be lower than US minimum wages, but their productivity
will go up much faster. Consequently, it is extremely likely that
economic pressures will continue also over the next several
decades to work for greater income dispersion within the US....
Which
leaves the political process. As income disparities increase,
in the absence of countervailing economic forces, political
resistance eventually rises so as to reach a new social equilibrium.
We already have seen evidence of this in the form of independent and
third party candidacies for public office, protests against business
influence on the political process, protests against globalization,
and, among a small but possibly growing minority, protests against
corporations and capitalism in general. As this energy filters
through moderating elements, it joins with the average person's
desire to somehow exact retribution from wealthy businessmen who
have been caught with their hands in the till or breaking the rules.
It results in less cooperation between political parties in the
legislative process. The current final legislative impact is
indirect -- slowdowns in efforts to broaden free trade zones and
trade agreements, stronger campaign financing laws, stronger SEC
regulation of corporate zeal to put an optimistic face on accounting
reports, stronger pension fund regulation, and efforts to require
companies to expense stock options when issued. The immediate
apparent cause for some of these initiatives may be a scandal, but
their underlying staying power is likely related to unease over
income distributions. If the hypothesis of continuing
acceleration in the impact of globalization is correct, eventually,
more direct action through re-raising top marginal income tax rates and
through reinstitution of estate taxes is likely.
Possible Investment Consequences
What are the implications for investors?
"Owners" should react in only a few simple ways, because they
should be committed to broadly diversified index funds.
Increased globalization does not hurt the US economy as a whole, and
has no clear-cut effects on a broad market index, except perhaps to
slightly help its long-run growth. However, savers with jobs
in industries subject to potential competition from abroad from
lower-wage countries should not expect that threat to go away.
This concern may be reflected in an increased savings rate. And when
doing long-term financial planning, it would be wise not to
count on the permanent elimination of inheritance taxes.
Long-term investors whose avocation is the stock market should be
alert for opportunities to invest in emerging markets at reasonable
prices, presumably through efficient vehicles such as I-shares.
Winner and loser industries in the US, to the extent they are
affected by foreign sales or foreign competition, may well continue
to be winners and losers. In the nearer term, the possibility
of a requirement to expense options may deflate earnings and slow
IPO opportunities for technology companies. Currently, issuing
long-term stock options can be a low-cost way to compensate
employees because they can compound tax-free until exercised.
In general, the recent success of the Republican party in the 2002
congressional elections should not be regarded as securing a
pro-business environment for a lengthy period.
Professional investors might consider whether there will be continued fundamental change in the
structure and practices of the financial services industry, and
whether
some of this will be encouraged by a political spotlight and shift
in public opinion whose underlying energy is drawn from unease over
growing compensation. What its shape will be is too vague for
further speculation here, though part of it may perhaps be seen in
the increasing popularity of index funds, ETF's and risk management.
In summary, the growth of the incomes of the economic elite in the
US during the last decades, especially the top 1%, has leapt far
ahead. It is a trend that will plausibly continue, once we are
past the current recession and bear market in equities which
hamper bonuses and capital gains, primarily because of the indirect
effects of continued globalization. Eventually it will cease,
as political resistance grows. I have speculated as to
several possible outcomes, the clearest being a continued effort at
"reform" and an eventual return to higher marginal tax rates and a
reinstitution of estate taxes.
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